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Young ‘mehteran’ group draws huge interest across nation

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  1. #1
    Üstad SonsuzL'uA Baktabul'un Çılgını SonsuzL'uA Baktabul'un Çılgını SonsuzL'uA Baktabul'un Çılgını SonsuzL'uA Baktabul'un Çılgını SonsuzL'uA Baktabul'un Çılgını SonsuzL'uA Baktabul'un Çılgını SonsuzL'uA Baktabul'un Çılgını SonsuzL'uA Baktabul'un Çılgını SonsuzL'uA Baktabul'un Çılgını SonsuzL'uA Baktabul'un Çılgını SonsuzL'uA Baktabul'un Çılgını SonsuzL'uA - ait Avatar
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    Tanımlı Young ‘mehteran’ group draws huge interest across nation

    Young ‘mehteran’ group draws huge interest across nation

    Twenty-seven children, aged 7 to 15, were brought together by İsmail Uslu and began performing as Turkey's youngest janissary band. Turkey's first mehteran (Ottoman janissary band) group made up of young members has attracted a great deal of attention across all of Turkey's provinces, many of which have lined up to host them for a concert during the holy month of Ramadan.

    These 27 children, aged 7 to 15, were brought together by İsmail Uslu and started performing as Turkey's youngest janissary band. Last year was a turning point for the Mehter 1453 group. The band became the focus of attention when they performed their first concert on May 19. Now, provinces throughout the country are rushing to host Mehter 1453 for concerts during the holy month.
    Uslu, the coordinator of the group, said their schedule has already been filled up for Ramadan. “Mehter 1453 has gained unimaginable and unexpected popularity among a great number of fans, particularly among other children. Our young mehterans have been rushing from one concert to another for the last few weeks. They have received many requests to perform from almost all Turkish cities, and their schedule is now full. They have even received a request from Russia,” Uslu noted.
    Mehter 1453, Turkey's youngest janissary band, became the focus of attention when it performed its first concert last year. Now, Mehter 1453 is being invited to perform concerts in provinces throughout the country during the holy month of Ramadan. The coordinator of the group said the band's schedule has already been filled up for Ramadan
    The group has also started preparations for an album, which is expected to be released before the end of Ramadan. “The album will cover 12 mehter songs. We have picked the Genç Osman song for the first music video of the album,” Uslu remarked. Uslu says he is lucky to be working with a group of ambitious youngsters. “Our work and effort is not for a short-term project. We have embarked on a long-lasting project. The children's ambition is very important for us because our work necessitates a high level of discipline,” said the coordinator.
    Twenty-seven children, aged 7 to 15, were brought together by İsmail Uslu and began performing as Turkey's youngest janissary band.
    The youngest member of Mehter 1453, Tolga Er, who is only 7 years old, is like the mascot of the team, according to Uslu. Shocked by his father's paralysis around three years ago, Tolga had difficulty adapting to school life. The young boy, however, grew ambitious in his lessons after he joined the janissary band, which did not escape the attention of his teachers. Tolga's teachers believe he enjoys school now thanks to the efforts of his band mates.
    Band members selected from among 400 candidates

    Aiming to establish a group of performers which would be a first for Turkey, Uslu started preparations for the country's youngest janissary band around a year ago. He met with music teachers he knew and picked around 400 children who had musical talent.
    The candidates were subjected to a series of tests to determine their talent in rhythm. As a result, 27 of these children were selected for the band. These lucky and talented children received around eight months of training on rhythm. “Our children set a good example for professionalism and ambition. One of the differences in our janissary band compared to other groups is that our group includes female members. Our band received training from professional janissary bands such as İstanbul Büyükşehir, Fatih and Eyüp,” Uslu said. He also said he plans to open a school for young children who wish to train professionally in mehteranship.
    “As is known, there had never been a janissary band bringing together children in the past. Though our band members have difficulty carrying the instruments of the janissary band or playing some of them, they complete their concerts with the help of their elders. Now we are planning to complete our work on the album as soon as possible. Then we will create a music video,” Uslu added.
    What is an Ottoman janissary band?

    Ottoman janissary bands are thought to be the oldest type of military marching band in the world. The band's music is called janissary music because the janissaries formed the core of the bands.
    It is believed that the first janissary band was sent to Osman Gazi, the founder of the Ottoman Empire, by Seljuk Sultan Alaeddin III as a present along with a letter that saluted the newly formed state. From then on every day after the afternoon prayer, the janissary band played for the Ottoman sultan. In the mid and late 19th century, however, the tradition went into decline along with the Ottoman Empire. But in 1953, the janissary band legacy was fully restored as the band of the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) on the occasion of the celebration of the 500th anniversary of the fall of İstanbul to Ottoman forces. Today, the janissary band is largely ceremonial and considered by many Turks as a stirring example of heroism.
    The standard instruments employed by the band are the kös (a large bass drum resembling the timpani), the nakare (a small kettledrum), the davul (a frame drum), the zil (cymbals), the kaba zurna (a bass variety of the zurna), the boru (a kind of trumpet) and the cevgen (a kind of stick bearing small concealed bells). The different varieties of bands are classed according to the number of instruments and musicians employed: either six-layered (altı katlı), seven-layered (yedi katlı) or nine-layered (dokuz katlı).

    22 August 2009, Saturday

  2. #2
    Onursal Üye nur yağmuru Baktabul'un Çılgını nur yağmuru Baktabul'un Çılgını nur yağmuru Baktabul'un Çılgını nur yağmuru Baktabul'un Çılgını nur yağmuru Baktabul'un Çılgını nur yağmuru Baktabul'un Çılgını nur yağmuru Baktabul'un Çılgını nur yağmuru Baktabul'un Çılgını nur yağmuru Baktabul'un Çılgını nur yağmuru Baktabul'un Çılgını nur yağmuru Baktabul'un Çılgını nur yağmuru - ait Avatar
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    :okur: Young ‘mehteran’ group draws huge interest across nation

    Young ‘mehteran’ group draws huge interest across nation

    According to one man, there is a long-term plan to establish an independent Kurdish state jointly designed by the United States, Israel, certain Western groups and Kurdish nationalists, and an element of this plan is the dissociation of Turkey's southeastern Anatolia region altogether with people living there in order to annex this region to the soon-to-be-established state.

    Also according to him, in line with the upcoming course of affairs vis-à-vis the Kurdish issue in the country, “there will be a need for drawing definite red lines against demands within the Southeast that contradict the principles of the nation-state, such as regional autonomy and education in a language other than the official language.

    While highlighting the economic-social improvement, and eventually there will be a need for proposing an exchange of the Turkmen population in Iraq with those [Kurdish people in the Southeast] who don't want to obey these conditions.”
    His name is Mümtaz Soysal, a former foreign minister and a professor of constitutional law. Soysal has asserted that he has a say not only in the lives of millions of Kurdish people living in Turkey, but also in the lives of the Turkmen people in neighboring Iraq. His view summarized above was reflected on Monday in his regular column, published in the daily newspaper Cumhuriyet. His column's title was “Absolute Solution.”
    In response to critics, Soysal later said he has never been a racist person or a supporter of ethnic separatism. “There is a Kurdish state being established just near us. Those who don't want to live within a republic that is respectful to ethnic rights but is not based on ethical rights, let them go to that ‘Kurdish republic.' We can't keep anyone here by force,” he said. He was still assuming that he had a say on the fate of the Kurdish people living in this country -- apparently as a leading figure of a camp that presumably owns this country, unlike the Kurds.
    The connotations of the phrase “population exchange” are linked with deeply held grievances on these lands, thus this is not solely a term related to social engineering attempts, which are also common here.
    The 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, signed in the aftermath of the War of Independence and after the Ottoman Empire came to an end, set in motion a population exchange between Greek Orthodox citizens of the young Turkish Republic and Muslim citizens of Greece, which resulted in the displacement of approximately 2 million people.
    The Armenian population that was in Turkey before the establishment of Turkish Republic was forced to emigrate in 1915, and according to some, the conditions of this expulsion are the basis of Armenian claims of genocide.
    Beside the still-ongoing political disputes concerning the forced emigration of Armenians, both Greek and Turkish literary traditions are still producing books explaining the grievances and homesick feelings held by Greeks and Turks who were subjected to population exchange. Those books also explain how those feelings have been inherited by younger generations.
    Legacy of ‘İttihat ve Terakki’
    Admitting that even putting forth such a proposal in itself spells a threat against Kurdish people or those who favor a broadening of the fundamental rights of Kurdish people living in this country, lawyer Sezgin Tanrıkulu, however, believes that such a proposal can find no echo within the public.
    “Soysal's proposal reflects a mentality that leads to concerns, but at the same time, it is not possible to explain or understand the mentality through sensible arguments,” Tanrıkulu, the Diyarbakır representative of the Turkey Human Rights Foundation (TİHV), told Sunday's Zaman.
    “This society still has certain traumas due to similar implementations in the 1920s, and proposing such an implementation under the circumstances of the 21st century is not acceptable. Fortunately, such a proposal has no ground or support in the public, and it is not implementable either,” Tanrıkulu added, noting that he believed that Soysal reflected a fascist view and such fascist views should not be under protection of freedom of expression since they reflect a stance that contradicts basic humanitarian values.
    According to Kurdish author and politician Orhan Miroğlu, proposals such as the one voiced by Soysal are not new and unfortunately have a degree of support within the society.
    “This is basically ethnic engineering, and it is a brainchild of İttihat ve Terakki [the Committee of Union and Progress]. All of the policies implemented by İttihat ve Terakki following 1915 are reflections of this ethnic engineering,” Miroğlu told Sunday's Zaman, referring to İttihat and Terakki's ideology, which espoused purifying all of Anatolia through a “Turkification” of all its segments.
    “With its recent move toward resolving the Kurdish issue, I believe that the ruling Justice and Development Party [AK Party] is playing a historical role, no matter whether the results of this attempt will eventually be found satisfactory or not by the Kurdish people. What matters is the fact that they have attempted to change the dominant mental structure within Turkey. In response, a camp symbolized by Soysal and others has been terrorizing both Turkish and Kurdish people with such proposals. Unfortunately they may succeed in finding a response from within the society via this terrorizing impact,” Miroğlu said.
    He also sarcastically questioned whether Soysal was sure that Turkmens in Iraq would be eager to come to Turkey, as they have been enjoying certain cultural and political rights within the Kurdish regional administration in northern Iraq.
    A professor once
    This is not the first time Soysal has astonished people with his views. In February, he openly suggested that one's expression of a desire for a coup falls under “freedom of expression.” He was speaking within the context of a debate concerning suspects in the Ergenekon investigation. Ergenekon is a clandestine terrorist organization accused of plotting to overthrow the government by fomenting a coup.
    Earlier, following the AK Party's clear victory in the July 22, 2007 parliamentary elections, Soysal appeared on television and asked publicly, “Do we have to wait another four years for this party to leave?”
    Seeing Soysal expressing such views was particularly painful to those who once attended his constitutional law lectures at the Ankara University faculty of political sciences, known as Mülkiye. The courses were almost legendary, with high numbers of students flocking to the classes to listen to this professor back the protection of fundamental freedoms and rights under the constitution.
    Baskın Oran, a professor of international relations who also gave lectures at the same faculty for decades, considers Soysal a symbol of the sad situation of so-called leftist ideology within Turkey.
    “When I look at the 1960s and '70s, I see that we had actually been defending Kemalist ideology in the name of being leftists. The holy bridge between leftism and Kemalism was then anti-imperialism, and some of us have unfortunately still remained committed to this understanding,” Oran told Sunday's Zaman. “On the other hand, please do not ask me how a well-informed professor of constitutional law like Soysal can offer such a population exchange proposal.”
    Instead, Oran gave an anecdote from his university years: It is 1968; Oran and his friends chat and criticize a professor for still using his lecture notes from 1951. The late Seha Meray, a professor of law, approaches and chides them for their critical remarks against their professor. “Some professors teach you how you should be, and some professors teach you how you should not be,” Meray tells Oran and his friends.
    “Back in the 1960s, Soysal somehow taught us how we should be, and nowadays he is teaching us how we should not be,” Oran concluded.


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